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TRIPOLI: The military strongman in the east of divided Libya, Khalifa Haftar, has named one of his sons as army chief, tightening his family’s grip on the oil-rich region.
Saddam Haftar is the third of the field marshal’s six sons to assume a key post, and experts see it as a sign the 81-year-old patriarch is preparing for his succession.
They also warn this entrenches the division of the North African country that has been rocked by chaos since the 2011 overthrow of dictator Muammar Qaddafi in a NATO-backed uprising.
Energy-rich Libya is split between a United Nations-recognized government in the capital Tripoli in the west and the Haftar-backed rival administration that rules from Benghazi and Tobruk in the east.
Presidential elections that had aimed to unify the fractured country were scheduled for late 2021 but then postponed indefinitely.
In early June, the strongman’s youngest son, General Saddam Haftar, 33, took over as chief of staff of the land forces within Haftar’s self-proclaimed Libyan Arab Armed Forces.
Saddam’s older brother Khaled was named last July as chief of staff of “security units” within the LAAF.
And in February, another son, Belgacem, took the helm of a newly created development and reconstruction fund.
The appointments continue “what has been from the beginning a private and family army as Haftar bolstered his power,” said Wolfram Lacher of the German Institute for International and Security Affairs.
“The inner circle” which controls “key units and resources of this private empire” is comprised of “his sons but also his cousins, his nephews, his sons-in-law,” Lacher told AFP.
Haftar was once an ally of Qaddafi but fell out with the dictator and then spent years in the United States, where he gained citizenship, before returning to Libya to help topple him.
In the years of war that followed Qaddafi’s ouster and killing, Haftar’s forces gained control of about two-thirds of Libya’s territory, including crucial oil infrastructure in its Sahara desert south.
In 2019-2020, Haftar tried to seize Tripoli but failed, despite backing from the United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Russia and some Western powers.
His opponents received military support from Turkiye.
Haftar is a declared enemy of Islamist forces and the Muslim Brotherhood but critics say he has previously cooperated with jihadists.
Khaled Al-Montasser, an international relations professor at the University of Tripoli, said that now the aging soldier, who suffered a stroke in 2018, is “stepping up the pace” to prepare for his succession.
Imad Jalloul, a Libyan political analyst, said Haftar’s allies abroad have begun seeing him as “unfit to lead Libya,” hence the need for “new blood.”
Lacher said that in recent years Haftar’s sons had enjoyed “a rapid rise” through the military ranks, “achieving in no time what would take other officers decades.”
He said this “became the subject of mockery” but that “since then, by seeing them every day on social media, the Libyan public started to get used to them.”
Lacher said that Saddam Haftar now holds real military power and a key role in murky business dealings in a graft-ridden country notorious for trafficking of irregular migrants.
The expert said Saddam has a hand in “repression, managing trafficking, embezzling public funds and negotiating shady transactions with political rivals in Tripoli.”
The recent reshuffles are “a clear sign of preparation for the day when Haftar disappears and when his entire power structure is then in danger,” Lacher added.
“It is also a sign that Haftar himself is getting older and can no longer manage this structure all on his own.”
Jalloul said the Haftar clan has brutally repressed opponents across a vast stretch of eastern and southern Libya, where political, tribal and civil society figures have been arrested, disappeared or killed.
The latest example was the death in April of activist Siraj Dughman while in detention at a military base controlled by Haftar.
Last December, former defense minister Al-Mahdi Al-Barghathi and six others died in custody while in custody of eastern authorities after their arrests in Benghazi.
Lacher said that “what’s distressing to see in recent months is that Western and UN diplomats, by publicly meeting Haftar’s sons, have begun to legitimize this family power structure, which sees the country’s two thirds and its underground wealth as private property.”

DEIR AL-BALAH, Gaza Strip: Last summer, Palestinians in the Gaza Strip celebrated the Muslim holiday of Eid Al-Adha the way it’s supposed to be: with large family feasts, meat shared with those less fortunate, and new clothes and gifts for children.
But this year, after eight months of devastating war between Israel and Hamas, many families will eat canned food in stifling tents. There’s hardly any meat or livestock at local markets, and no money for holiday treats or presents — only war, hunger and misery, with no end in sight.
“There is no Eid this year,” said Nadia Hamouda, whose daughter was killed in the war and who fled from her home in northern Gaza months ago and is staying in a tent in the central town of Deir Al-Balah. “When we hear the call to prayer, we cry over those we lost and the things we lost, and what has happened to us, and how we used to live before.”
Muslims around the world will celebrate the four-day Eid Al-Adha, the Feast of the Sacrifice, early in the week. It commemorates the Prophet Ibrahim’s willingness to sacrifice his son, Ismail, as recounted in the Qur’an. In the Jewish and Christian traditions, Abraham is called to sacrifice his other son, Isaac.
Gaza was impoverished and isolated even before the war, but people still managed to celebrate by hanging up colorful decorations, surprising children with treats and gifts, and purchasing meat or slaughtering livestock to share with those less fortunate.
“It was a real Eid,” Hamouda said. “Everyone was happy, including the children.”
Now much of Gaza is in ruins and most of the population of 2.3 million Palestinians have fled their homes. After Hamas’ surprise attack into Israel on Oct. 7, in which Palestinian militants killed some 1,200 people and took another 250 hostage, Israel launched a massive air and ground assault.
The war has killed over 37,000 Palestinians, according to the Hamas-run Health Ministry. It has destroyed most of Gaza’s agriculture and food production, leaving people reliant on humanitarian aid that has been held up by Israeli restrictions and the ongoing fighting.
United Nations agencies have warned that over a million people — nearly half the population — could experience the highest level of starvation in the coming weeks.
In early May, Egypt shut down its crossing into the southern Gazan city of Rafah after Israel captured the Palestinian side of it, sealing the only route for people to enter or leave the territory. That means virtually no Palestinians from Gaza will be able to make the annual Hajj pilgrimage that precedes the Eid.
Ashraf Sahwiel, who was among hundreds of thousands of Palestinians who fled from Gaza City earlier in the war and is also living in a tent, has no idea when or if he’ll be able to return.
“We don’t even know what happened to our houses or whether we’ll be able to live in them again, or if it’s even possible to rebuild,” he said.
Abdelsattar Al-Batsh said he and his family of seven haven’t eaten meat since the war began. A kilogram (2 pounds) of meat costs 200 shekels (around $50). A live sheep, which could be bought for as little as $200 before the war, now costs $1,300 — if it’s even available.
“Today, there is only war. No money. No work. Our houses have been destroyed. I have nothing,” Al-Batsh said.
Iyad Al-Bayouk, who owns a now-shuttered cattle farm in southern Gaza, said severe shortages of both livestock and feed due to Israel’s blockade have driven up prices. Some local farms have been turned into shelters.
Mohammed Abdel Rahim, who has been sheltering in a building in an empty cattle farm in central Gaza for months, said the farm-turned-shelter was particularly bad in the winter, when it smelled like animals and was infested with bugs. As the heat set in, the ground dried out, making it more bearable, he said.
Abdelkarim Motawq, another displaced Palestinian from northern Gaza, used to work in the local meat industry, which did brisk business ahead of the holiday. This year, his family can only afford rice and beans.
“I wish I could work again,” he said. “It was a busy season for me, during which I would bring money home and buy food, clothing, nuts, and meat for my children. But today there’s nothing left.”